Should college athletes be paid Essay Example for Free

Should college athletes be paid Essay Should College Athletes be Paid? Maybe it was the annual spectacle of March Madness and the fact that UCONN came out of nowhere as an underdog to win their 3rd national NCAA men’s basketball title. Maybe it was the excitement of watching the UCONN football team playing in its first ever BCS Bowl against Oklahoma last year. Whatever he reason, the media and sports critics always ignite a fresh debate over the merits of paying college athletes for their services to the schools. Over the past few months, PBS, ESPN and HBO each aired major specials and documentaries on the relative injustices or justice – deepening our your view of the current college Division 1 (D1) system that allows amateur players to generate billions (that is correct, billions) in revenue each year for their respective schools and the NCAA organization, but prohibits them from receiving a dime of it or any compensation that might be offered from other sources deemed private or public. Coaches can sign multimillion-dollar contracts, endorse products, and rake in lucrative speaking fees. Is this fair? Are we being ethical and righteousness treating young and innocent individuals in this matter? Should we as a society allow these individuals to be taken advantaged in this matter? These are just a few questions many people ask, and the answers are not clear-cut as one might think. To pay or not to pay? The question everyone asks every year since the explosion of D1 College sports over the past couple of decades. The debate over the pros and cons in paying college athletes won’t end until changes are made or someone does something about the current system. My goal throughout this paper will be to present and clarify some of these arguments and why someone could make changes amendable to everyone involved. I will focus my arguments and debate on three major issues. (1) Should we pay students athletes and how much should they be paid? (2) How would they get paid and the challenges in managing this process, can the schools afford it? (3) And finally, what ethical issues, if any, would this pose to our schools and society at large? In conclusion, I will share my opinion and recommendation on what should be done to address this ongoing dispute. My discussion through out this paper will focus on  the â€Å"Primetime† college sports programs in the NCAA; Men’s College Basketball and College Football. As these two sports represent virtually the face of the NCAA and college sports on TV and to the public. While the other college sports are as important to student athletes and schools, they don’t drive the same level of viewing power and revenue numbers for the NCAA and their respective schools. In my opinion college is suppose to be a place you go to earn an education an d determine your future career. Although many college athletes are going to the school that offers them the most money potential at the next level of their carriers, paying the athletes based on their current star power or future potential could have the potential to turn the entire college arena into a bidding war. You would stop seeing athletes go to a place because of tradition or loyalty, but instead to whom would pay them the most money. This in turn would kill the magic of college sports and the purity of the game. Where only a few large schools would have enough capital and buying power to buy the top performing and premier student athletes. If this would to happen, the Butler Bulldogs would have never made it to the NCAA College Basketball finals against UCONN just this past May, as Butler could never compete with the deep pockets of schools like Duke, Syracuse, UCONN, and Georgetown, just to name a few. You may also see free agency enter college sports. Although they would have to sit a year, what would stop players from jumping universities because of money? It would dramatically change the college sport world, as we know it today. Butler again comes to mind, as most of their top athletes would jump ship to another school after they finished 2nd in the 2010 NCCA finals, in the hope of getting more money. In the long run, paying college athletes will make it ok to pay non professional athletes and thus you could then see high schools develop the same principles. If you are paying a player at the college level because they bring in money, then Bloomfield High, New Britain high and other dominant high schools would do the same, and you then re-create the problems I already mentioned. While the arguments above raise good concerns, I do have some major issues with college athletes not getting paid as well. If an ordinary student receives a grant or scholarship based on their intellectual power of monetary limitations, then its perfectly legal for the student to get a job while in college and use that money for whatever they want. Ive seen this happen. One of my friends in college got a $50K  scholarship to Northeastern; no strings attached (except for keeping up the GPA), paid tuition with that money, and then used his talents after schools hours to become an independent contractor whil e still attending school. He made enough money on the side to buy a used car in cash and pay for a couple of spring break vacations and a few other â€Å"luxuries† currently unavailable to college athletes. While college athletes get free room, board, books, tuition and fees covered by the scholarship, they don’t have the luxury or option to earn extra money for additional expenses (car, travel, vacation, nice dinner, etc.) as they spend most if not all of their time practicing or traveling when outside the classroom, limiting the amount of time they have to find any part time job. On the other hand, they are plenty of non-athletic students in college who have an equally difficult time having a normative college experience because the job that they do work is used to cover the enormous expense of room, board, books, tuition and fees. Furthermore, many of those non-athlete students have to take on mounds and mounds of debt to be able to afford the very things the athletes are given. I bet more than a few of them would gladly give up their play money for the chance to finish college without being $100-150k in the hole. That being said, I am convinced that student athletes deserve t he same opportunity regular students have. They should have the opportunity to earn additional money to cover expenses currently covered by their parents, friends family or bank loans. Do I feel that the players should be paid some amount of money to pay for additional expenses? Yes. The amount of money these kids generate is in the Billions and they get nothing (monetary) in return, as if these athletes use college as the tool that it is, then they should at least be getting an education. However, it does not make sense for college players to have no money and barely able to get by, while someone makes a substantial amount of money off their talents. However, the payment should be controlled and limited to a defined amount. More on this a little later. In the past, Maryland’s head basketball coach Gary Williams made a public statement in which he denounced the present system of not paying athletes. His proposal was to give those players in revenue-producing sports a stipend of $200/month. While I agree with Mr. Williams approach and argument, I disagree with the payment amount and structure. In my opinion his argument makes perfect sense and achieves a realist solution. He  points out that college athletics – specifically basketball and football are making a fortune for the NCAA, the schools, the coaches, the staff and filtering down to just about everyone else in the athletic department and sometimes even to other parts of the school. However, not a c ent is being given to those who are actually providing the product on the court and field. You know, the product that we love to watch and talk about during water breaks in the office, the product that creates so much exhilaration every weekend to millions of people across the US and world! Again, I realize the argument is that they are being given free housing and a free scholarship, etc. The problem is that there isn’t another kid at the school that has to have a life based upon $0 extra income to buy what he wants. As I mentioned above, these individuals don’t have the time to work and earn extra money, so they will be tempted to take some extra cash or a trip or a meal at a fancy restaurant from a â€Å"friend† or â€Å"acutance†. Who wouldn’t be? And there lies the problem. The student athletes under the current system will always be faced with the hard decision not to break the rules and laws, which honestly, other students don’t have to deal with. As I pointed out before and Williams makes the same point, regular kids are allowed to receive living expenses and spending money as part of financial aid from family, friends or even strangers. Since athletes cannot, they are clearly being discriminated against. The student athlete might bring thousands if not millions of dollars to the school and more importantly the NCAA in one way or the other, but how much does any other student bring to the school? In addition to the moral argument of making students paid employees of the school while attending school, there’s the cost argument. Can the NCAA and schools really afford it? The answer might surprise and shock you at the same time. The NCAA negotiated an $11 Billion (with a B) deal for the 2011 NCAA tournament. Not the regular season, just the tournament – and that’s just NCAA basketball. Doing some analysis show that, there are 346 Division One schools in basketball. If each one of them has 13 players, that’s 4,498 players. Divide $11 Billion by 4,498 and you get†¦ over $2 million per player! These figures clearly indicate that both the NCAA and schools could afford to pay the students athletes some monetary figure, more on that later. Clearly the argument is no longer about money! Or is it? Between 2004 and 2010, fewer than 7 percent of all Division I sports programs  generated positive net revenue, according to NCAA data. Fewer than 12 percent of all Football Bowl Subdivision (FBS) schools — 14 out of 120 — did so in fiscal year 2009. For that matter, the NCAA reports that only 50 percent to 60 percent of FBS football and basketball programs make money. In other word s, a significant chunk of top-level FBS programs are losing money. Should those programs be obliged to pay their football and basketball players, even though they aren’t actually producing a net profit. Paying student athletes large sums of money based on their natural ability would destroy the college sports, as we know it today and potential drive schools out of business into bankruptcy. Obviously a large majority of D-1 schools can’t afford to pay students athletes even if it was legal today. So, where’s the money going? As I mentioned before, the NCAA is signing record deals with the networks, shouldn’t that money go back to the schools? Nobody can answer this question with certainty, but one thing is clear, the NCAA could afford to compensate the student athletes, based on their current revenue streams. My recommended solution will address this disparity in D-1 schools and their ability to lash out money to pay student athletes. Indeed, with many coaches and college experts, the biggest problem with paying players isnt a money issue. Its the legal and structural chaos that would result. In an interview with PBSs Frontline that aired a few weeks back, NCAA president Mark Emmert said it would be utterly unacceptable to convert students into employees. Emmert had reason to be adamant. What happens when college athletes become employees? Can they collectively bargain? Can they strike? Do injured players receive workmans comp? Are players at state schools eligible for subsequent retirement benefits? Do only football and mens basketball players receive salaries? Should a star point guard earn more than a third-string center? Should an All-American quarterback earn more than his entire offensive line? Who decides and who controls all of these decisions? The NCAA? The School? Since student athletes are prohibited in gathering any additional money, the NCAA is making efforts to help support the future of college sports by helping to funnel $750 million over 11 years into funds strictly designed to benefit these athletes. This money is ideally going to be used by the NCAA to help fund student-athletes who are looking for clothing, emergency travel, educational and medical expenses, personal needs and also a injury  insurance. Even though this is a very nice touch by the NCAA organization, it however does not address the real issue of allowing college athletes in earning money, which can be used a the discretion of the student-athlete. Until that day comes, the future student-athletes have a lot of hard work, dedication and lessons to be learned from before they are all worthy enough of being able to accept salaries for their individual efforts. It is a fact that since its birth, the NCAA has grown into a multi-billion dollar industry and some experts feel college athletes should begin to benefit financially from the large revenues. The NCAA brought in more than a billion dollars more than what the NBA generated globally in the 2009-10 season, according to the most recent estimate from Forbes. One of the biggest revenue-creating sports a part of the NCAA today is college football that has come a long way since the establishment of the Harvard, Yale and Princeton football association. Recently in the last five years a few football teams have financially stood out amongst their competitors in the NCAA. NCAA players, coaches and officials constantly argue for the paying of student-athletes because for them the primary reason for massive profit earnings is due to the thanks of the hard work of their student-athletes. College athletes are constantly seeing their jersey numbers on the racks of their campus bookstores but instead of seeing any of the profits all they see is their coaches racking in multi-million dollar contracts year after year. In total there are 119 Division I-A football teams competing in the NCAA today and out of those a reported 42 of those team’s coaches received more than $1 million salaries, at least nine receiving more than $2 million. In Basketball, the University of Connecticut last year signed a 5-year contract with coach Jim Calhoun worth approximately $11M – including speaking and media fees. This is one of the biggest reasons why players argue for their own salary incomes due to the financial successes of their own coaches and seeing them living extravagant lifestyles. Meanwhile, would each salaried player on a given team be paid the same amount? If not, who would decide whether the All-American linebacker deserved more money than the All-American wide receiver, or whether Kemba Walker was more valuable than the star power forward, Jeremy Lamb. Would 18-year-olds be negotiating â€Å"contracts† with officials in their athletic department? Would they be hiring agents before high-school graduation? And how would all this affect  those sports programs that depend on football and basketball revenue to stay afloat? To pose an discuss these questions is to realize that paying college athletes merit salaries based on their â€Å"book value† is simply unrealistic and unfeasible. Still, the current NCAA rules are deeply flawed, and many players are indeed being ex ploited. Let’s face it: Big-time college football and basketball basically function as minor-league systems for the NFL and the NBA, respectively, while creating massive profits for everyone except the athletes. Scholarships are financially valuable, sure. But according to many experts, the average scholarship falls about $5,000 short of covering an athlete’s â€Å"essential† college expenses. Closing that gap — My proposed solution would address the majority of these concerns, if not completely eliminate them. Many experts have reach a determination that college sports have already effectively become professionalized. Given the N.C.A.A.’s abandonment of standard honored amateur principles, many experts argued, that there’s not a good enough reason preventing athletes from engaging in the same entrepreneurial activities as their celebrity coaches. Big-time college athletes should be able to endorse products, get paid for speaking engagements and be compensated for the use of their likenesses on licensed products. After all, aren’t non-athlete students allowed to go on a TV show like â€Å"MTV SpringBreak† and receive money for their appearances and efforts? If non-athletes students are a llowed, why can’t students athletes appear on ESPN shows and get paid for it? They should! They should be allowed to also negotiate an actual contract with the N.B.A. as part of a final project in a finance class, and have an agent from the day they decide to. In the past few years, the NCAA has cracked down on players taking illegal benefits from â€Å"agents and boosters†. USC was under two years of probation for the Reggie Bush affair. Cecil Newton openly shopped his son around to SEC schools. And just a few months back, the University of Connecticut was found guilty and punished by the NCAA for violating its rules and laws. Schools, coaches and athletes decide to take these risks and break the rules because they know what’s a stake, millions and millions of dollars. All of these things are clearly against NCAA rules, but how fair are the rules? We all know how much money colleges bring in off of the hard work of these kids, and we all know what its like to be young and poor. Should college football players be paid or at least allowed to accept benefits? After long  hours of research, deliberation and studying both sides of the argument in paying student athletes for their services to the NCAA and respective schools, I came up with the following recommendations. Frist and foremost, student athletes should continue to receive scholarships from their schools with the same benefits as they receive today. I also think that we should not pay large salaries to these athletes based on their personal ability or star potential as it would turn college into even more of a business and less of an academic institution. Furthermore if would open the floodgates for paying athletes very large sums of money. It has been said again and again; more money more pr oblems. However, I also believe that it is unfair for these athletes not to receive anything for the services they provide to their schools which yield millions and millions of dollars in profits, prestige recognition and increase in student enrollments, all very positive for the school’s bottom line. In my opinion, students’ athletes should receive from the NCAA NOT their schools a yearly payment (for all 4 years) equal to the average school annual tuition amount– in other words, take all D1 schools, average out the full tuition across all schools and make that the payment to every school athlete. This money would come from the lucrative contracts the NCAA signs with TV networks, clothing companies, etc. While in some cases this represents more income than what students could need, it would eliminate calculating complex and unfair student payments, and give student athletes additional spending money. It would also avoid any student athlete from choosing one school over the other because of this payment, as it would be the same independent of what school they eventually select. This approach would also eliminate the fact that a majority of D-1 schools have a negative balance sheet and realistically can’t afford to pay any student athlete’s salaries. If not else, it certainly would be a great deterrent for the vast majority of otherwise good players, but not ready to jump to the NFL or NBA early.

Influence from Mexican and Puerto Ricans in the Us Culture Essay Example for Free

Influence from Mexican and Puerto Ricans in the Us Culture Essay The U. S. culture has been saturated with Mexican and Puerto Rican influences. Influence is defined as a cognitive factor that tends to have an effect on what you do. I believe most of the influences are good but there are also some that are bad. The two major influences that will be brought up would be the influence of human creativity and violence. Puerto Ricans had a unique blend of human creativity. â€Å"Fueled by that political awakening, a cultural renaissance emerged among Puerto Rican artists. † By the 1960’s salsa music began to emerge. Puerto Ricans rooted this category of music especially in the New York area. Fania Records became the dominant record label in the early salsa music scene. Juan Gonzalez mentioned artist such as Eddie and Charlie Palmieri, Willie Colon and Ray Barretto. They provoked with there politically charged lyrics. It also sprang up writers such as Piri Thomas and Nicholasa Mohr mentioned by Juan Gonzalez. Piri Thomas was born in the Spanish Harlem section of Manhattan and is known for his best seller autobiography â€Å"Down These Mean Streets†pg63 and describes his struggle having Puerto Rican heritage. Nicholasa Mohr her works also told of the difficulties of growing up in Puerto Rican communities in the New York area. As more Puerto Rican came to into the States a big clash of racial identity rose. Black and White was a struggle in itself then Brown came in to the mix it mad things twist. â€Å"A dwindling tax base, brought about by the flight of industry and skilled white workers to the suburbs, massive disinvestment by government in public schools and infrastructure, and the epidemics of drug and alcohol abuse, all tore at the quality of city life†Pg 64. Lack of investment in the infrastructure and public schools by the government was a major contributor to this especially since most did not know how to speak English and the teachers did not know how to translate to the students. â€Å"The third generation of Puerto Ricans, those who came of age in the late 1980s and early 1990s, found themselves crippled by inferior schools, a lack of jobs, and underfunded social services. They found their neighborhoods inundated with drugs and violence. They grew up devoid, for the most part, of self-image, national identity, or cultural awareness. They became the lost generation. †Pg63 Mexicans also had there share of influencial human creativity. Mexicans are known for developing corrido music. They were smart about this music though because they were used to inform. They had dates names warnings and some were stories of crime or love. † The average corrido was usually so filled with dates, names, and factual details that it functioned not only as entertainment but also as a news report, historical narrative, and commentary for the mass of Mexicans who were still illiterate†. pg124. To change up the creativity from the arts to a more meaningful influence would be the founding of MAYO and no not the one you eat but Mexican American Youth Organization. This was intended to protect the civil rights of Mexican Americans. â€Å"One of the most influential groups to arise during the period was the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO), founded in San Antonio by Willie Velazquez, a young community organizer for the Catholic Bishop’s Committee on the Spanish Speaking, and Crystal City’s Jose Angel Gutierrez. †pg 69. Mexicans have been picked on for decades and are still being hated upon. What was heavily impacted were schools and nothing was done about it. MAYO staged school walk outs to gain power. These acts would allow them to earn seats on school boards which in turn allowed them to participate in deciding what was best for their own people. In turn violence also was majorly influence. The US culture was raised to hate Mexicans. † Once the Great Depression hit and unemployment surged among whites, though, not even Mexicans who spoke fluent English escaped the anti-immigrant hysteria. More than 500,000 were forcibly deported during the 1930s, among them many who were U. S. citizens. † Speaking spanish a lot of times was a burden for mexicans which made them targets since most that all they spoke. To conclude Puerto Ricans and Mexicans have influenced the US culture. It still hasn’t stopped it continues to. More than likely it will still influence for many more years to come. They have been put down but they come right back up and stronger. They have given a lot to stop and to soak in many years of heritage. So go dance to some salsa or sing a corrido for a change.

Health Essays Gender Health Disparities

Health Essays Gender Health Disparities Mens Health: Men Are far from being the Stronger Sex, they are Actually the Opposite Introduction: Gender-based Health Disparities While the study of gender in health has allowed for tremendous strides, there has been little benefit to advancing the understanding of mens health (Habben, 2005). While the majority of social, political, legal, and religious systems favor men, this favoritism has not served to improve mens health status (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 189). Generally, men suffer more life-threatening and chronic illnesses such as heart and cardiovascular disease, cerebrovascular disease, certain cancers, and emphysema (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 189). Men have higher age-adjusted mortality rates for the 15 leading causes of death than do women (Williams 2003, p. 724). Furthermore, they have at least two times higher death rates than women for suicide, homicide, accidents and cirrhosis of the liver (p. 724). The two leading causes of death for men in the U.K. are circulatory disease (including heart disease and stroke) and cancer (NSO, 2004a). Numerous health statistics illustrate the increased vulnerability of men to certain illnesses. In 2001, almost half of men were considered overweight compared to one-third of women (NSO, 2004b), men are twice as likely as women to exceed the daily benchmark for alcohol consumption (NSO 2004b), and life expectancy at birth is lower for males than for females at 75.7 vs. 80.4 years (NSO 2004c). In the United States, men have a higher incidence of seven out of the ten most common infectious diseases, and three quarters of deaths from myocardial infarction occur in men (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1385). Cancer is a prime example of the effects of male gender on health (Nicholas, 2000). Cancers of the larynx, oral cavity, pharynx, bladder, and liver occur highly disproportionately in men (Nicholas, 2000, p. 27). Further, men are more likely to die from cancer than are women. Biology vs. Gender Socialization Differences in health between men and women are not merely biological, but also include lifestyle differences and gender socialization factors (Peate, 2004). Gender differences in health and longevity can be explained partly by health behaviors (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1386), and recent discussions of mens health have emphasized the importance of masculine gender role socialization (e.g., Nicholas, 2000, p. 27). Mens concepts of maleness or masculinity guide their decisions about accepted behaviors. For example, risk-taking behaviors such as excessive alcohol or tobacco use are influenced by beliefs about masculinity (Nicholas, 2000, p. 28). The study of mens health goes beyond an emphasis on physiological structure and biological sex to include a broader analysis of social, cultural, and psychological issues pertaining to the traits, norms, stereotypes and roles associated with male gender (Brooks, 2001, p. 285). Men, in their quest to embody a strong masculine role, may predispose them selves to psychological, emotional, and behavioral disorders (Brooks, 2001, p. 287). Gender may be defined as the expectations and behaviors that individuals learn about femininity and masculinity  (Sabo, 2000, p. 133). Gender socialization influences health-risk behavior, mens perceptions of and use of their bodies, and their psychosocial adjustment to illness (Sabo, 2000, p. 133). While establishing his braveness or manliness to others, a man who conforms rigidly to the masculine ideal by ignoring pain and other illness symptoms is at increased risk of developing chronic diseases (Sabo, 2000, pp. 135-136). Beliefs about masculinity play a role in the health of men, and may lead them to engage in harmful behaviors or to refrain from health-protective actions (Williams, 2003, p. 727). Male-like qualities such as individuality, autonomy, stoicism, and physical aggression, as well as avoidance of showing emotion or displaying weakness may combine to lead to poorer health in men (Williams, 2003, p. 726). In addition, gender roles can help explain mens reluctance to seek medical care, their avoidance of expressing emotions, engagement in unsafe sexual behaviors, drug use, crime, and dangerous sports (Lee Owens, 2002). Further, men may be more likely to identify themselves with their work and to spend less time with family (Lee Owens, 2002). While men who are socialized to have more feminine attributes may be more likely to be aware of and concerned about their health and health-compromising behaviors (Kaplan Marks, 1995), men who step outside the gender boundary may be perceived as deviant (Seymour-Smith, Wetherell Pheonix, 2002). Gender socialization may influence the extent to which boys adopt masculine behaviors. Boys are encouraged to play like other boys and discouraged from playing with or like girls. To do otherwise could lead to rejection. Parents often instill in boys that they are strong and that big boys dont cry ideas which help form the boys personality. The masculinization process may make men have difficulty asking for help (Peate, 2004). Society places great value on the stereotypical image of the male as strong and silent, contributing to the idea that men are invulnerable (Fleming, Spiers, McElwee OGorman, 2001, p.337). While women value interdependence (e.g., consulting others and accepting help ), men value independence and avoid acknowledging a need for help (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 190). Strict adherence to idealized masculinity may lead to a number of mental and physical health problems. This may be due not only to strict adherence to a rigid masculine role, but also to a sense of failure when men fail to live up to this role (Nicholas, 2000, p. 31). Such failure may lead to increased anxiety, psychological distress, poor relationships, cardiovascular reactivity, anger, decreased self-esteem, and unwillingness to seek health services (p. 31). Risk-taking Men are more likely than women to engage in risky behaviors and to hold risky beliefs (Courtenay, McCreary Merighi 2002). They are more inclined than women to engage in behaviors that increase morbidity and mortality such as smoking and alcohol abuse (Williams, 2003, p. 727). Men and boys are socially pressured to endorse gendered societal prescriptions such as beliefs that men are strong, independent, self-reliant, and tough (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1387). As a reflection of such gender stereotypes, men often exhibit risk-taking behaviors such as smoking, poor diet and exercise habits, drinking to excess, and overworking (Lantz et al., 2001, p. 191). While men tend to know less about health than women, they also perceive themselves as less vulnerable to illness than do women (Nicholas, 2000, p. 29). As a result, men may be less aware of recommended screening and common symptoms of disease. More men than women smoke cigarettes and use excess alcohol. These behaviors often occur together, thereby increasing the incidence of oral and throat cancers (Nicholas, 2000, p. 28). Excess alcohol and tobacco use is a risk factor in 80% of cases of head and neck cancers (p. 28). The causes of death that affect the most mencompared to womenare those most influenced by behavior or personal choice (e.g., suicide, homicide, accidents, and cirrhosis of the liver; Habben, 2005). Alcohol and illicit drug abuse are largely male problems in which the social construction of masculinity plays a significant role (Brooks, 2001, p. 290). Alcohol abuse is a major contributor to mortality from liver cirrhosis, accidents, suicide, and homicidethese being the four causes of death where men double the rate of women (Williams, 2003, p. 727). Further, men are more likely to believe that high-risk behaviors will not impair their performance (e.g., drinking and driving; Williams, 2003, p. 727). Throughout life, men are at a higher risk of dying than are women. Lifestyle factors related to this include an increased likeliness of having accidents, having a dangerous occupation, and experiencing higher risks when at work (Peate, 2004). Men tend to underestimate the risks involved in physically dangerous activities and may feel that enduring physical punishment and pain are part of being male (Nicholas, 2000, p. 29). Men are more likely than women to work in hazardous occupations such as construction, agriculture, oil, transportation, and forestryoccupations that increase mens exposure to known carcinogens such as asbestos, benzene, chromium, and vinyl chloride (Nicholas, 2000, p. 28). In addition, risk-taking may include playing of dangerous sports (e.g., football or rugby), or engaging in high-risk sexual behavior. Taking risks confirms a mans masculinity to himself and to others. Further, gender is related to power, and the pursuit of power may lead men to engage in harmful behaviors (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1388). Behaviors such as refusing to take sick time off from work, insisting that they need little sleep, and boasting that alcohol or drug use does not impair their driving serve to demonstrate the dominant norms of masculinity (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1389). Under-utilization of Health Care Services Since illness is seen as a threat to masculinity, men are less likely to seek help when ill (Fleming, et al., 2001, p. 337). This may be related to the male tendency to suppress the expression of need and to minimize pain (Williams, 2003 p. 728). Men tend to reinforce social beliefs that they are less vulnerable than women, that their bodies are stronger than those of women, and that caring for ones health is feminine (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1389). In fact, utilization of health care and exhibiting positive health behaviors or beliefs are constructed as part of idealized femininity, and must be resisted in the expression of masculinity (p. 1389). Mens reluctance to discuss personal concerns may extend into the patient-provider relationship, where men may be less likely to fully report their health history and the exact details of their illness symptoms (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 194). Men are less likely to engage in health behaviors such as reporting symptoms, practicing health-promotion, and utilizing health care services (p. 189). Medical encounters also differ between male and female patients, with men receiving less time, fewer services, less information and advice, and less encouragement to change health behaviors (p. 728). Further, when men do receive care, they are less likely to adhere to their medical regimen (p. 728). The socially conditioned suppression of pain by men may lead to delayed help-seeking (Brownhill, Wilhelm, Barclay Parker, 2002). Gender socialization may be responsible for the fact that men value more concrete rather than abstract information (Lantz et al., 2001, p. 194). Thus, men may be more likely to ignore vague somatic symptoms and to wait for more concrete signs of disease, thereby delaying treatment until the more advanced stages of disease (p. 194). Often, when men seek care, their disease process is more advancedleading to higher morbidity and mortality (Lantz et al., 2001, p. 191). While women are more likely to seek care for symptoms, men generally seek medical care for employment or insurance reasons (p. 191). Delaying medical intervention leads to a state of urgency once assistance is finally sought (p. 191). In men, emotional distress in men may be masked by outward symptoms such as chest pain, deliberate self-harm, drug or alcohol abuse (Brownhill et al., 2002). Further, men expect health care professionals to be able to read their signs and symptoms without themselves having to disclose anything (Brownhill, et al., 2002). Other reasons for mens reluctance to seek health care may include a lack of understanding of making appointments, inconvenient opening hours, long waits for appointments, lack of trust, and fear of being judged. Men may feel social pressure to not reveal any weakness that may lessen their masculinity, and thus may not seek care. Solutions might include providing services that men can access anonymously (e.g., via the internet or telephone help-lines), and extending opening hours of services to include evenings and weekends. Conclusion: Possible Solutions for improving Mens Health Health educators and advocates for mens health should encourage men to consider the effects of gender on health behaviors and outcomes (Sabo, 2000, p. 139). Health education for men should address enhancing mens awareness that some of the culturally supported masculinity norms can lead to health-damaging behaviors (Williams, 2003, p. 730). Williams suggests that the meaning of manhood needs to be re-defined in a more positive way along with changes in cultural institutions and social structures, thus reinforcing positive health behaviors in men (Williams, 2003, p. 730). Modification of health behaviors may be one of the most effective ways of preventing disease (Courtenay, 2000, p. 1386). One solution could be to provide earlier socialization of boys and young men that health promoting behavior is positive, that reporting health concerns is not a sign of weakness, and that better health encourages a more positive self-image (Lantz, Fullerton Harshburger, 2001, p. 195). The development of the male gender role should focus less upon the roles of protector and provider, and should emphasize more greatly mens abilities as caregivers and nurturers (Brooks, 2001, p. 293). Such emphasis would enhance the presence of nurturance, attachment, and intimacy in the social construction of masculinity. References Brooks, G. (2001). Masculinity and mens mental health. Journal of American College Health, 49: 285-297. Brownhill, S., Wilhelm, K., Barclay, L., and Parker, G. (2002). Detecting depression in men: A matter of guesswork. International Journal of Mens Health, 1: 259-80. Courtenay, W. (2000). Constructions of masculinity and their influence on mens well-being: a theory of gender and health. Social Science Medicine, 50: 1385-1401. Courtenay, W., McCreary, D., and Merighi, J. (2002). Gender and ethnic differences in health beliefs and behaviors. Journal of Health Psychology, 7: 219-31. Fleming, P., Spiers, A., Mc Elwee, G. and OGorman, M. (2001). Mens perceptions of health education methods used in promoting their health in relation to cancer. The International Electronic Journal of Health Education, 4: 337-344. Habben, C. (2005). Mens health in primary care: Future applications for psychologists. In James, L. and Folen, R. (Eds.); The primary care consultant: The next frontier for psyc hologists in hospitals and clinics, pp. 257-265. Kaplan, M. and Marks, G. (1995). Appraisal of health risks: The roles of masculinity, femininity, and sex. Sociology of Health and Illness, 17: 206-21. Lantz, J., Fullerton, J. and Harshburger, R. (2001). Promoting screening and early detection of cancer in men. Nursing and Health Sciences, 3: 189-196. Lee, C. and Owens, R. (2002). Issues for a psychology of mens health. Journal of Health Psychology, 7: 209-357. Nicholas, D. (2000). Men, masculinity, and cancer: Risk-factor behaviors, early detection, and psychosocial adaptation. Journal of American College Health, 49: 27-33. NSO (2004a). National Statistics; Gender; Health: Women Live almost 5 years longer than men. National Statistics Online. Retrieved from the World Wide Web on 23 March, 2005 at http://www.statistics.gov/uk/cci/nugget_print.asp?ID=438 NSO (2004b). National statistics; Gender; Health related behavior: More overweight men than women. National Statistics Online. Retri eved from the World Wide Web on 23 March, 2005 at http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget_print.asp?ID=439 NSO (2004c). National statistics; Health; Health expectancy: Living longer, more years in poor health. National Statistics Online. Retrieved from the World Wide Web on 23 March, 2005 at http://www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget_print.asp?ID=918 Peate, L. (2004). Mens attitudes towards health and the implications for nursing care. British Journal of Nursing, 13: 13-26. Sabo, D. (2000). Mens health studies: Origins and trends. Journal of American College Health, 49: 133-142. Seymour-Smith, S., Wetherell, M., and Pheonix, A. (2002). My wife ordered me to come: A discursive analysis of doctors and nurses accounts of mens use of general practitioners. Journal of Health Psychology, 7: 253-67. Williams, D. (2003). The health of men: Structured inequalities and opportunities. Public Health Matters, 93: 724-31.

Continuing Education: Market Driven or Student Centered? :: School Education Learning Essays

Continuing Education: Market Driven or Student Centered? One enduring controversy in continuing education is whether programs should be market driven. The controversy has some connection with the pervasive image of the marginality of continuing education in higher education as well as the concept that continuing education programs must be self-sustaining. As Edelson (1991) says, "This principle of having to pay its own way is the single most distinguishing feature of American continuing education today" (p. 19), adding that adult education is the most blatantly market-driven segment of education. At the heart of the controversy is the issue of whether "market driven" is necessarily antithetical to the principles and philosophy of adult learning. This publication looks at whether this is a misconception or a reality. The Case against Market Driven According to Beder (1992), successful market-driven programs must have "sufficient numbers of voluntary adult learners who are motivated to exchange enough of their time and money to yield the clients and fee income" needed to operate programs (p. 70). This need to target areas of high demand leads to what Beder sees as the primary problems of market-driven systems: (1) they perpetuate inequality by neglecting the needs of those less able to pay; (2) they may meet individual needs efficiently but not overarching social needs; and (3) they often displace educational benefit with profit as an overriding goal. Rittenburg (1984) agrees that the demands of the marketplace are not a sufficient foundation for continuing education: "The nature of aesthetic and ideological products is such that production to meet consumer demand is not an adequate framework" (p. 22) because such products have intrinsic value. Controversy over a market orientation for adult education programs is not a new issue. Edelson (1991) reviews the history of the Ford Foundation/Fund for Adult Education's Test Cities Project (1951-61), which sought to demonstrate that noncredit liberal adult education could and should pay for itself. Over time, this obsession with economic viability led to the sacrifice of small-group discussion forums to the need for economies of scale and formats that produced higher revenues (such as large lectures). The controversy crosses many fields. In social work, Laufer and Shannon (1993) describe how program quality, which requires long-term investment in lieu of short-term profit, can suffer when programs must pay as they go. They argue that quality should be "the bottom line below the bottom line" (p.

An Analysis of Shakespeares Othello Essay -- Othello Essays

â€Å"Think on thy sins† (5.2.43) he says, â€Å"They are loves I bear to you† (5.2.44) I respond. â€Å"Ay, and for that thou diest† (5.2.45). There is no pleading with my lord, his once amorous filled eyes are now brimming with anger, and anguish. This whole conversation has turned my mind into mush. How can he think that I would ever love Cassio? Is it not plain that he, Othello, is my lord and the only object of my affection? Does it not matter? I think it doesn’t. Othello’s whole body is shaking (5.2.50) and his eyes are rolling (5.2.41), these signs do not bode well for my life. Worse yet, he has already had Cassio killed. â€Å"Oh, banish me, my lord, kill me not!† (5.2.88) I beg, â€Å"Down, Strumpet,† he is undeterred (5.2.89). â€Å"It is too late† (5.2.95). I am not sure if I thought that, or if Othello said it. Either way, it is too late. His strong, calloused fingers are clutching my throat, violently squeezing unt il all of the air leaves my lungs. Spots- I see spots. Brightly colored yellow, red and blue spots. The spots grow and take shape. Images and scenes from my life are passing before my eyes, and then it hits me. â€Å"O, falsely, falsely murdered!† I cry (5.2.126). Emilia is here, â€Å"†¦ Sweet Desdemona, O sweet mistress, speak!† she begs (5.2.131). I must tell her, â€Å"A guiltless death I die† (5.2.132). â€Å"O, who hath done this deed?† Emilia inquires (5.2.133). She has to know the truth, â€Å"Nobody, I myself. Farewell. Commend me to my kind lord. O, farewell† (5.2.134-135). As the saying goes, hindsight is always twenty-twenty. For Desdemona, this is especially true. Desdemona was innocent and naà ¯ve to a fault. Her determination to mend the relationship between Cassio and Othello, only served to nourish the seed of doubt that was planted in Othello’... ... the light of heaven I know not how I lost him† (4.2.152-153). Once Iago planted the seed, created the story and showed Othello that Cassio had the Handkerchief, Desdemona was rendered guilty. It did not matter how much Desdemona protested, or denied the story, Iago’s reputation as an honest man superseded Desdemona’s reputation as a woman who, according to Iago, â€Å"†¦so young could give out such seeming, to seel her father’s eyes up close as oak, he thought ‘twas witchcraft† (3.3.213-215). Desdemona’s final line in the play shows that she believes she was responsible for her own death. In truth, however, the only sin Desdemona ever committed was bearing loves to the moor of Venice. Works Cited Shakespeare, William. The Tragedy of Othello, Moor of Venice. The Norton Shakespeare. Ed. Julia Reidhead. New York: .W. Norton & Company, Inc., 2008. 2119-2191. Print.

Genetic Engineering: Genetic Research and Gene Therapy :: Persuasive Argumentative Essay Examples

Genetic Research and Gene Therapy The human genome is the key to gene therapy, genetic diagnosis, and even to genetically engineer human beings. The human genome is a map of the entire DNA sequence, a blue book, of the individual, which is currently being mapped by the Human Genome Project. Knowing where and which gene controls what trait and causes what genetic disease will armed doctors with a powerful tool to treat their patients in the molecular level. On the other hand, people can jump at the opportunity to manipulate genes to create the perfect baby or enhance a specific trait. One of the few ways of achieving these goals is through research on human embryos. Genetic research on human embryo has two implications. One in therapeutic research (to detect, and hopefully correct gene flaws), which is more practical, and the other is parents deciding how their child should look (or an extreme word, eugenic). The latter, which in the present is wishful thinking but will be a reality in the future if the technology becomes feasible. This paper will mainly discuss the therapeutic research (the medical practice and technological aspect of genetic engineering on embryos) to show what can be done medically and its implications. The consequences, moral and ethical issue of genetic research on human embryos will not be discuss in length here, for it is a topic in other groups and within my group. Currently in therapeutic research, one of the things that can be done is a process call Pre-implantation Genetic Diagnosis (PGD). PGD is a new medical treatment that incorporates the technology of in vitro fertilization (IVF) and the ability to genetically removed a single cell from an 8-cell embryo to detect any genetic abnormalities (Forbidden Knowledge). In this way, "couples at high genetic risk [will have the] opportunity to start their pregnancy knowing that their baby will not have a lethal inherited disease" rather than stress by deciding whether or not to undergo a prenatal test such as amniocentesis, which requires the pregnancy be at least 15 weeks (Forbidden Knowledge). Some of the major genetic diseases that can be detected are Cystic Fibrosis, Huntington's Disease, Alzheimer's Disease, some form of cancers (Carmosino), aneuploidy chromosomes for chromosome 13, 18, 21, X, and Y (Jones), and sickle-cell anemia (Henig, 58). Gene therapy, which is in is early stages will greatly benefit from embryo research.

The Role of Education in Plato’s Republic

The role and significance of education with regard to political and social institutions is a subject that has interested political philosophers for millennia. In particular, the views of the ancient Greek philosopher Plato, as evidenced in The Republic, and of the pre-Romantic philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau in his Discourse on the Arts and Sciences, present a striking juxtaposition of the two extremes of the ongoing philosophical and political debate over the function and value of education. In this paper, I will argue that Rousseau's repudiation of education, while imperfect and offering no remedy to the ills it disparages, is superior inasmuch as it comes closer to the truth of things than does Plato's idealized conceptions. To do so, I will first examine Plato's interpretation of the role of education and its function in shaping the structure of society and government and in producing good citizens. I will then introduce Rousseau's view of education and the negative effects of the civilized culture which it produces, and using this view, will attempt to illustrate the naivete and over-idealization of Plato's notions. Finally, I will attempt to demonstrate that it is Rousseau's view, rather than Plato's, that is ultimately more significant in assessing the actual (vs. idealized) merits (or lack thereof, in Rousseau's case) by which education should be judged with regard to the nurturance of good citizens. For Plato, the question of the role of education arises near the end of Book II (377e), after a discussion of both the necessary and consequent attributes of Socrates' kallipolis or â€Å"Ideal City. Such a city, Socrates argues, will, before long, have need of both a specialization of labor (in order for the greatest level of diversity and luxury of goods to be achieved) and of the establishment of a class of â€Å"Guardians† to protect the city from its envious neighbors and maintain order within its walls (i. e. , to police and govern the city). This, in turn, leads inexorably to the question of what attributes the Ideal City will require of its Guardians, and how best to foster such attributes. The early, childhood education of the Guardians, Socrates argues, is the key. What, then, asks Socrates, should children be taught, and when? This quickly leads to a discussion of censorship. Socrates cites a number of questionable passages from Homer which cannot, he thinks, be allowed in education, since they represent dishonorable behavior and encourage the fear of death. The dramatic form of much of this poetry is also suspect: it puts unworthy words into the mouths of gods & heroes. Socrates suggests that what we would call â€Å"direct quotation† must be strictly limited to morally-elevating speech. Nothing can be permitted that compromises the education of the young Guardians, as it is they who will one day rule and protect the city, and whom the lesser-constituted citizens of the polis will attempt to emulate, assimilating, via the imitative process of mimesis, to the Myth (or â€Å"noble lie†) of the Ideal City in which justice is achieved when everyone assumes their proper role in society. The process of mimesis, is, of course, yet another form of education, in which those of Iron and Bronze natures are â€Å"instructed† and inspired by the superior intelligence and character of the Gold and Silver members of the Guardian class. It is therefore a form of education without which the polis cannot operate. Thus, for Guardian and ordinary citizen alike, the education of the young and the continuing â€Å"instruction† of the citizenry are crucial. In addition to these aspects, Plato also conceives of another function of education, and one which is quite significant in its relation to Rousseau's views. For Plato, education and ethics are interdependent. To be ethical, in turn, requires a twofold movement: movement away from immersion in concrete affairs to thinking and vision of unchanging order and structures (such as justice) and then movement back from dialectic to participation and re-attachment in worldly affairs. It is a temptation to become an abstract scholar. But the vision of the good is the vision of what is good for oneself and the city — of the common good. If one does not return to help his fellow human beings, he becomes selfish and in time will be less able to see what is good, what is best. An unselfish devotion to the good requires an unselfish devotion to the realization of this good in human affairs. Just as the purpose of understanding order and limits in one's own life is to bring about order and restraint in one's own character and desires, the understanding of justice requires application in the public sphere (through education). A man who forgets the polis is like a man who forgets he has a body. Plato thus advocates educating both the body and the city (for one needs both), not turning one's back on them. If education is, for Plato, the means by which man comes to fully realize (through society) his potential as a human being and by which society as a whole is in turn elevated, for Rousseau it is quite the opposite. Education, argues Rousseau, does not elevate the souls of men but rather corrodes them. The noble mimesis which lies at the heart of education in Plato's kallipolis is for Rousseau merely a slavish imitation of the tired ideas of antiquity. The ill effects of this imitation are manifold. Firstly, argues Rousseau, when we devote ourselves to the learning of old ideas, we stifle our own creativity and originality. Where is there room for original thought, when, in our incessant efforts to impress one another with our erudition, we are constantly spouting the ideas of others? In a world devoid of originality, the mark of greatness, intelligence, and virtue is reduced to nothing more than our ability to please others by reciting the wisdom of the past. This emphasis on originality is in marked contrast with Plato, who finds no value in originality, deeming it antithetical to a polis otherwise unified by shared Myths of the Ideal City and of Metals. Rousseau rejects this â€Å"unity†, rightly denouncing it as a form of slavery , in which humanity's inherent capacity for spontaneous, original self-expression is replaced with the yoking. of the mind and the will to the ideas of others, who are often long dead. In addition to suppressing the innate human need for originality, education (and the appetite for â€Å"culture† and â€Å"sophistication† that it engenders) causes us to conceal ourselves, to mask our true natures, desires, and emotions. We become artificial and shallow, using our social amenities and our knowledge of literature, etc. , to present a pleasing but deceptive face to the world, a notion quite at odds with the ideas of Plato. We assume, in Rousseau's words, â€Å"the appearance of all virtues, without being in possession of one of them. Finally, argues Rousseau, rather than strengthening our minds and bodies and (a critical point) moving us towards that which is ethical, as Plato contends, education and civilization effeminate and weaken us physically and (perhaps most significantly) mentally, and cause us, in this weakness, to stoop to every manner of depravity and injustice against one another. â€Å"External ornaments,† writes Rousseau, â€Å"are no less foreign to virtue, which is the strength and activity of the mind. The honest man is an athlete, who loves to wrestle stark naked; he scorns all those vile trappings, which prevent the exertion of his strength, and were, for the most part, invented only to conceal some deformity. † Virtue, as opposed to Plato's conception, is an action, and results not from the imitation inherent in mimesis, but rather in the activity — in the exercise — of the body, mind and soul. Education, however, demands imitation, demands a modeling upon what has been successful. How, then, do we rightly assess the merits of education with regard to its it molding of the public character — in its ability to produce â€Å"good† citizens. The answer to this hinges, I submit, on how we choose to define the â€Å"good† citizen. Clearly, if obedience (or â€Å"assimilation to a political ideology†, or perhaps â€Å"voluntary servitude†) is the hallmark of the good citizen, then we must regard Plato's disposition towards education as the proper one. However, obedience, despite its obvious centrality to the smooth operation of society (as we would have social chaos were it completely absent), has its useful limits. Over-assimilation to a political idea or â€Å"blueprint† is every bit as dangerous — indeed, far more so — as the utter under-assimilation of anarchy. For those inclined to dispute this, I would urge them to review the history of Nazi Germany as perhaps the definitive example of what sad, awful spectacles of injustice we humans are capable of when we trade in our mental and spiritual autonomy for the convenient apathy and faceless anonymity of the political ideal. Furthermore, if , as Rousseau contends, our civilization is such that, â€Å"Sincere friendship, real esteem, and perfect confidence [in each other] are banished from among men,† what is the quality of the society for which education — any modern education — purports to prepares us? When, â€Å"Jealousy, suspicion, fear coldness, reserve, hate, and fraud lie constantly concealed under †¦ [a] uniform and deceitful veil of politeness,† what is left to us to educate citizens for, other than the pleasure we seem to derive in pedantic displays of hoary knowledge? If we remove the civility from â€Å"civilization†, what remains to us that any education will remedy?